pp. 78 - 87
Chapter 3
China In Antiquity

The Master said: "If the government seeks to rule by decree, and to maintain order by the use of punishment, the people will seek to evade punishment and have no sense of shame. But if government leads by virtue and governs through the rules of propriety, the people will feel shame and seek to correct their mistakes."

That statement is from the Analects, a collection of remarks by the Chinese philosopher Confucius that were gathered together by his disciples and published after his death in the fifth century B.C.E. Confucius (Chinese name KungFuci, or Master Kung) lived at a time when Chinese society was in a state of growing disarray. The politi­cal principles that had governed society since the founding of the Zhou dynasty six centuries earlier were widely ignored, and squabbling principalities scuffled for primacy as the power of the Zhou court steadily declined. The common people groaned under the weight of an oppressive manorial system that left them at the mercy of their feudal lords.

In the midst of this confusion, Confucius trav­eled the length of the kingdom observing events and seeking employment as a political counselor. Although he had little success in his job search, Confucius attracted a number of disciples, to whom he proposed a set of ideas that in later years served as the guiding principles for the Chinese empire. Some of his ideas are strikingly modern in their thrust. Among them is the revo­lutionary proposition that government depends on the will of the people.

The civilization that produced Confucius had originated more than fifteen hundred years earlier along the two great river systems of East Asia, the Yellow and the Yangtze. This vibrant new civilization, which we know today as ancient China, expanded gradually over its neighboring areas. By the third century B.C.E., it had emerged as a great empire, as well as the dominant cultural and political force in the entire region.

Like Sumer, Harappa, and Egypt, the civilization of ancient China began as a collection of autonomous villages cultivating food crops along a major river system. Improvements in agricultural techniques led to a food surplus and the growth of an urban civilization characterized by more complex political and social institutions, as well as new forms of artistic and intellectual creativity.

Like its counterparts elsewhere, ancient China faced the challenge posed by the appearance of pastoral peoples on its borders. Unlike Harappa, Sumer, and Egypt, however, ancient China was able to avoid destruction at the hands of the invaders and survived intact down to the formation of the Chinese empire in 221 B.C.E. The institu­tions and cultural values that had taken shape at the dawn of Chinese history were inherited by the empire and formed the foundation of traditional China until the beginning of the twentieth century. For that reason, Chinese civilization is sometimes described as the oldest continuous civilization on earth.

The Land and People of China

According to Chinese legend, Chinese society was founded by a series of rulers who brought the first rudi­ments of civilization to the region nearly five thousand years ago. The first of these was Fu Xi (Fu Hsi), the ox-tamer, who "knotted cords for hunting and fishing," domesticated animals, and introduced the beginnings of family life. The second was Shen Nong (Shen Nung), the divine farmer, who "bent wood for plows and hewed wood for plowshares." He was the first to teach the peo­ple the techniques of agriculture. Last came Huang Di (Huang Ti), the Yellow Emperor, who "strung a piece of wood for the bow, and whittled little sticks of wood for the arrows." Legend credits Huang Di with creating the Chinese system of writing, as well as with inventing the bow and arrow. Modern historians, of course, do not accept the literal accuracy of such legends, but view them instead as part of the process whereby early peoples attempt to make sense of the world and their role in it. Nevertheless, such recreations of a mythical past often contain an element of truth and an allegorical explanation of the founding of the civilization.

Such is the case with the legendary "three sovereigns" of prehistoric China. Although there is no clear evidence that any of them actually existed as historical figures, their achievements symbolize some of the major characteristics that would define Chinese civilization through­out history: the interaction between nomadic and agricultural peoples, the importance of the family as the basic unit of Chinese life, and the development of a unique sys­tem of writing.

Human communities have existed in China for sev­eral hundred thousand years. At first, like their contemporaries throughout the world, the early Chinese lived a simple existence, fishing, hunting, and gathering food. Eventually, however, perhaps driven by the growing aridity of the climate in northern China, they began to settle along riverbanks in the transitional zone between the forested areas and the grasslands. There, sometime around the eighth millennium B.C.E., these early Chinese began to master the cultivation of crops. A number of these early agricultural settlements were in the neighborhood of the Yellow River, where they gave birth to two Neolithic societies known to archaeologists as the Yang-Shao and the Longshan cultures (sometimes identified in terms of their pottery as the painted and black pottery cultures).

Historians once thought that these Neolithic settle­ments were the earliest farming communities in China and that civilization, including such characteristics as organized government and a written language, spread grad­ually from this nuclear area to other regions of China. Recently, however, archaeologists have discovered the remains of similar agricultural settlements in the Yangtze valley in central China and along the coast to the south. These settlements were based on the cultivation of rice rather than dry crops such as millet, barley, and wheat, but they are as old as those in the north. Thus, agriculture, and perhaps other elements of early civilization, may have developed spontaneously in several areas of China rather than radiating outward from one central nuclear region.

At first, these simple Neolithic settlements were hardly more than villages, but as the inhabitants mastered the rudiments of agriculture, the little communities gradually gave rise to more sophisticated and complex societies. In a pattern that we have already seen elsewhere, civilization gradually spread from these nuclear settlements in the valleys of the Yellow and the Yangtze Rivers to other lowland areas of eastern and central China. Government emerged, along with a writing system and other forms of technology. As wealth increased, the societies began to amass armies and build walled cities. The process took several thousand years and finally reached a climax in the third century B.C.E. with the creation of the first state unifying most of China under a single ruler, the Qin (Ch'in) Empire.

The two great river valleys, then, can be considered the core regions in the development of Chinese civiliza­tion, and it was in these densely cultivated valleys that East Asia began to emerge as one of the great food-producing areas of the ancient world. But China is not just a land of fertile fields. In fact, only 12 percent of the total land area is arable, compared with 23 percent in the United States. Much of the remainder consists of moun­tains and deserts that ring the country on its northern and western frontiers.

     This often arid and forbidding landscape is a dominant feature of Chinese life and has played a significant role in Chinese history. The geographical barriers served to isolate the Chinese people from advanced agrarian societies in other parts of Asia. The frontier regions in the Gobi Desert, Central Asia, and the Tibetan plateau were themselves sparsely inhabited by peoples of Mongolian, Indo-European, or Turkish extraction. Most were pas­toral societies, and as was the case in the other river valley civilizations, their contacts with the Chinese were often characterized by mutual distrust and conflict. Although fewer in number than the Chinese, many of these peoples, like other nomadic societies throughout the steppes of Central Asia, possessed impressive skills in war and were sometimes aggressive in seeking wealth or territory in the settled regions south of the Gobi Desert. Over the next two thousand years, the northern frontier became one of the great faultlines of conflict in Asia, as Chinese armies attempted to protect precious farmlands from marauding peoples from beyond the frontier. As in other areas where pastoral and agricultural peoples came into contact, the struggle was a continual one, and the outcome at any given time depended on the ability of the settled peoples to fend off the threats of the invaders. When China was unified and blessed with capable rulers, it could usually keep the nomadic intruders at bay and even bring them under a loose form of Chinese adminis­tration. But in times of internal weakness, China was vulnerable to attack from the north, and on several occasions, nomadic peoples succeeded in overthrowing native Chinese rulers and setting up their own dynastic regimes.

From other directions, China normally had little to fear. To the east lay the China Sea, a lair for pirates and the source of powerful typhoons that occasionally ravaged the Chinese coast, but otherwise rarely a source of concern. South of the Yangtze River was a hilly region inhabited by a mixture of peoples of varied language and ethnic stock who lived by farming, fishing, or food gath­ering. They were gradually absorbed in the inexorable expansion of Chinese civilization.

The Dawn of Chinese Civilization: The Shang Dynasty

Historians of China have traditionally dated the begin­ning of Chinese civilization to the founding of the Xia (Hsia) dynasty more than four thousand years ago. Although the precise date for the rise of the Xia is in dispute, legend maintains that the founder was a ruler named Yu, who is also credited with introducing irrigation and draining the floodwaters that periodically threatened to inundate the North China plain. The Xia dynasty, in turn, was replaced by a second dynasty, the Shang, in the eighteenth century B.C.E. Unlike its predecessor, the Shang has been historically confirmed, since its capital at Anyang, just north of the Yellow River in north-central China, has been lo­cated and excavated by archaeologists. Among the finds at the Anyang dig were thousands of so-called oracle bones, ox and chicken bones or turtle shells that were used by Shang rulers for divination and to communicate with the gods. The inscriptions on these oracle bones are generally considered to be the earliest form of Chinese writing and provide much of our information about the beginnings of civilization in China. They describe a culture gradually emerging from the Neolithic to the early Bronze Age.

Political Organisation

According to the available evidence, China under the Shang dynasty was a predominantly agricultural society ruled by an aristocratic class whose major occupation was war. One ancient chronicler complained that "the big affairs of state consist of sacrifice and soldiery." Combat was carried on by means of two-horse chariots. The ap­pearance of chariots in China in the mid-second millen­nium B.C.E. coincides roughly with similar developments elsewhere, leading some historians to suggest that the Shang ruling class may originally have invaded China from elsewhere in Asia. But items found in Shang burial mounds are similar to Longshan pottery, implying that the Shang ruling elites were linear descendants of the indigenous Neolithic peoples in the area. If that was the case, the Shang may have acquired their knowledge of horse-drawn chariots through contact with the peoples of neighboring regions.

     Some recent support for that assumption has come from evidence unearthed in the sandy wastes of Xinjiang, China's far northwestern province. There Chinese archaeologists have discovered corpses dating back as early as the second millennium B.C.E. with physical character­istics that are clearly European. They are also clothed in textiles similar to those worn at the time in Europe, sug­gesting that they may have been members of an Indo-European migration from areas much further to the west. If that is the case, it is not improbable that they were famil­iar with advances in chariot making that had occurred at least five thousand years ago in southern Russia and Kazakstan. By about 2000 B.C.E. spoked wheels were being deposited at gravesites in Ukraine and also in the Gobi Desert, just north of the great bend of the Yellow River. It is thus not unlikely that the new technology became available to the founders of the Shang dynasty and may have aided their rise to power in northern China.

Unfortunately, we still do not know much about the nature of government under the Shang. From tantalizing hints provided by the oracle bones and other scattered evidence unearthed at Anyang and other nearby sites, it seems clear that under the Shang a sophisticated and rel­atively centralized monarchy was already in the process of creation. The Shang king ruled with the assistance of a central bureaucracy in the capital city. His realm was divided into a number of territories governed by aristocratic chieftains, but the king's power was evident in that he appointed these chieftains and could apparently depose them at will. He was also responsible for the defense of the realm and controlled large armies that often fought on the fringes of the kingdom. The transcendent importance of the ruler was graphically displayed in the ritual sacrifices undertaken at his death, when hundreds of his retainers were buried with him in the royal tomb.

As the inscriptions on the oracle bones make clear, the Chinese ruling elite believed in the existence of supernatural forces beyond the power of human beings and thought that they could communicate with those forces to obtain divine intervention on matters pertaining to this world. In fact, the purpose of the oracle bones was to communicate with the gods. Messages were scratched on the bones. When the bones were exposed to fire, they would develop cracks that were interpreted by sorcerers as responses to questions posed to the gods. The ques­tions inscribed on the bones often expressed practical concerns: Will it rain? Will the king be victorious in bat­tle? Will he recover from his illness?

     This evidence also suggests that the king, through his court sorcerers, was already being viewed as an intermediary between Heaven and Earth. In fact, an early Chinese character for king consists of three horizontal lines connected by a single vertical line; the middle horizontal line represents the king's place between human society and the divine forces in nature. The early Chinese also had a clear sense of life in the hereafter. Though some of the human sacrifices discovered in the royal tombs were presumably intended to propitiate the gods, others were meant to accompany the king or members of his family on the journey to the next world. From this conviction would come the concept of the veneration of ancestors (commonly known in the West as "ancestor worship") and the practice, which continues to the present day in many Chinese communities, of burning replicas of physical objects to accompany the departed on their journey to the next world.

One further point is worthy of mention. The Chinese also believed that divine forces, including a god of the harvest, existed in objects of nature. In fact, spirit wor­ship in various forms has survived in China down to the present century. But Shang dynasty Chinese had already come to believe in the existence of one transcendent god, known as Shang Di (Supreme Emperor). Thus, like peoples of other ancient civilizations, they were gradually turning to a form of anthropomorphism.

Social Structures

In the Neolithic period, the farm village was apparently the basic social unit of China, at least in the core region of the Yellow River valley. Villages were organized by clans rather than by nuclear family units, and all resi­dents probably took the common clan name of the entire village. In some cases, a village may have included more than one clan. At Banpo (Pan P'o), an archaeological site near modern-day Xian that dates back at least eight thousand years, the houses in the village are separated by a ditch, which some scholars think may have served as a divider between two clans. The individual dwellings at Banpo housed nuclear families, but a larger building in the village was apparently used as a clan meeting hall. The tribal origins of Chinese society may help to explain the continued importance of the joint family in tradi­tional China, as well as the relatively small number of family names in Chinese society. Even today there are only about four hundred commonly used family names in a society of more than one billion people.

By Shang times, the classes were becoming increas­ingly differentiated. It is likely that some poorer peasants did not own their farms, but were obliged to work the land of the chieftain and other elite families in the village. The aristocrats not only made war and served as officials (indeed, the first Chinese character for official originally meant warrior), they were also the primary landowners. In addition to the aristocratic elite and the peasants, there were also a small number of merchants and artisans, as well as slaves, probably consisting primarily of criminals or prisoners taken in battle.

The Shang are perhaps best known for their mastery of the art of bronze casting. Utensils, weapons, and ritual objects made of bronze have been found in royal tombs in urban centers throughout the area known to be under Shang influence. It is also clear that the Shang had achieved a fairly sophisticated writing system; the oracle bones provide concrete evidence of the existence of a system of ideographs and pictographs that is the direct ancestor of the written language used in China today.

The Zhou Dynasty

In the late twelfth century B.C.E., the Shang dynasty was overthrown by an aggressive young state located some­what to the west of Anyang, the Shang capital, and near the great bend of the Yellow River as it begins to flow directly eastward to the sea. The new dynasty, which called itself the Zhou (Chou), survived for more than nine hundred years and was thus the longest-lived dynasty in the history of China. Like their predecessors, the Zhou rulers were apparently the direct descendants of the Neolithic civilization that had emerged earlier throughout the Yellow River valley and ruled over a frontier re­gion on the western fringes of the Shang state. According to tradition, the last of the Shang rulers was a tyrant who oppressed the people (Chinese sources assert that he was a degenerate who built "ponds of wine" and ordered the composing of lustful music that "ruined the morale of the nation"), leading the ruler of the principality of Zhou to revolt and establish a new dynasty.

The Zhou located their capital in their home territory, near the present-day city of Xian. Later they established a second capital city at modern-day Luoyang, farther to the east, to administer new territories captured from the Shang. This established a pattern of eastern and western capitals that would endure off and on in China for nearly two thousand years.

Political Structures

The Zhou dynasty (1122-221 b.c.e.) adopted the politi­cal system of its predecessors with some changes. The Shang practice of dividing the kingdom into a number of territories governed by officials appointed by the king was continued under the Zhou. At the apex of the government hierarchy was the Zhou king, who was served by a bureaucracy of growing size and complexity. It now in­cluded several ministries responsible for rites, education, law, and public works. Beyond the capital, the Zhou kingdom was divided into a number of principalities called guo (kuo), which is now the Chinese word for a state or nation. As under the Shang, the governing officials of these territories were members of the hereditary aristocracy, but they were appointed by the king and were at least theoretically subordinated to his authority. At least in the beginning, many were members of the royal family, and the Zhou king, in a symbolic sense, was like the head of a large extended family, with each individual princely official owing a loose allegiance to his lord. Each was assisted by his own smaller regional bureaucracy. Like his predecessors, the Zhou king was in charge of defense and controlled armies that served under his command throughout the country.

But the Zhou kings also introduced some innovations. As described by the Rites of Zhou, one of the oldest sur­viving documents on statecraft, the Chinese now began to develop a theory of government. According to this document, the duke of Zhou, brother of the founder of the Zhou dynasty, asserted that the Zhou house ruled China because it possessed the "mandate of Heaven." According to this concept, Heaven (viewed as an imper­sonal law of nature rather than as an anthropomorphic deity) maintained order in the universe through the Zhou king, who thus ruled over all humanity (the Chinese term tian xia literally means "all under Heaven") by a mandate from Heaven. The king, who was selected to rule because of his talent and virtue, was then responsible for governing the people with compassion and efficiency. The duke of Zhou used such ideas to justify the Zhou conquest of the Shang, since the last Shang ruler had allegedly mistreated the people. Eventually, the concept of the heavenly mandate would become a cardinal principle of Chinese statecraft.

But, as one historian has noted, the mandate of Heaven was double-edged. The king was expected to rule according to the proper "Way" (called the Dao and roughly reminiscent of the Hindu concept of dharma). It was his duty to propitiate the gods in order to protect the people from natural calamities or a bad harvest. Later this role would be embodied in a ritual ceremony conducted once each year by the Chinese emperor at the Temple of Heaven in Beijing. If he failed to rule effectively, theoretically at least he could be overthrown and replaced by a new ruler. Such a concept, of course, had first been asserted by the duke of Zhou.

This theory has strong political implications, because it not only sets forth a "right of revolution" to overthrow a corrupt or evil ruler, but also makes clear that the king, though serving as a representative of Heaven, is not a divine being himself. In practice, of course, each founder of a new dynasty would routinely assert that he had earned the mandate of Heaven, and who could disprove it except by overthrowing the king? The pragmatic Chinese would later enshrine this view in an ironic proverb: "He who wins is the king; he who loses is the rebel."

Later Chinese would regard the period of the early Zhou dynasty, as portrayed in the Rites of Zhou (which, of course, is no more an unbiased source than any modem government document), as a Golden Age, when there was harmony in the world and all was right under Heaven. And the key to that harmony lay in the character of the ruler, who operated as an intermediary between Heaven and Earth (as we have seen, the early Chinese character for king was a graphic representation of that concept). If the king failed to carry out his responsibilities, Heaven could show its displeasure by calling forth a natural disas­ter, such as a drought or a flood.

Whether the system functioned in such an ideal manner, of course, is open to question. In any case, the Golden Age did not last, whether because it never ex­isted in practice or because of the increasing complexity of Chinese civilization. Perhaps, too, its disappearance was a consequence of the intellectual and moral decline of the rulers of the Zhou royal house. The power of the central government began to disintegrate, giving rise to bitter internal rivalries among the various principalities. Whereas the Rites of Zhou had described a monarch who was both strong and benevolent, in actuality by the sixth century R.C.E., the officials who governed had succeeded in making their positions hereditary at the expense of the king. They had amassed the enormous power of the principalities in a society that was characterized by a rigid de­marcation between powerful nobles and a downtrodden peasantry.

Economy and Society

During the Zhou dynasty, the essential characteristics of Chinese economic and social institutions began to take shape. The Zhou inherited and continued the pattern of land ownership that had existed under the Shang. According to the ideal described by Confucian scholars of a later day, the peasants worked on lands owned by their lord, but also had land of their own that they cultivated for their own use. The practice was called the "well field system," since the Chinese character for well resembles a simplified picture of the division of the farmland into nine separate segments. Each peasant family tilled an outer plot for its own use and then joined with other families to work the inner one for the hereditary lord. How widely this system was used is un­clear, but Communist historians would later cite it as an early form of Chinese socialism. As the following poem indicates, life for the average farmer was a difficult one. The "big rat" is probably a reference to the high taxes imposed on the peasants by the government or lord.

Big rat, big rat
Do not eat my millet.
Three years I have served you,
But you will not care for me.

I am going to leave you
And go to that happy land;
Happy land, happy land,
Where I will find my place.

Big rat, big rat,
Do not eat my sprouts!
Three years I have served you
But you give me no comfort.
I am going to leave you
And go to those happy fields;
Happy fields, happy fields;
Who there shall long moan?

In addition to the nobles and the peasants, there was a class of artisans and merchants, living in walled towns under the direct control of the local lord. A passage in a classical text called the Book of Changes remarked that the rulers in ancient times set up markets and ordered "all the people under Heaven to gather their goods there for exchange and then to return home, in order that all goods might find their appropriate destinations."

At first, commerce was limited to the exchange of lo­cal products in daily use, but eventually trade expanded to include goods imported from distant regions, such as salt, iron, cloth and various luxury goods. Merchants did not operate independently as autonomous individuals, but were considered the property of the local lord and on occasion could even be bought and sold like chattels.

There was also a class of slaves, who performed a variety of menial tasks and perhaps worked on local irrigation projects. Most of them were probably prisoners of war captured during conflicts with the neighboring principalities. Scholars do not know how extensive slavery was in ancient times, but slaves probably did not comprise a large proportion of the total population.

The period from the sixth to the third centuries B.C.E. was an era of rapid change. This period was marked by the growth of large autonomous states owing only a loose alle­giance to the Zhou ruling house. As these states grew in size and power, they began to regulate the local economy and seek reliable sources of revenue for their expanding armies, such as a uniform tax system and government mo­nopolies on key commodities such as salt and iron.

Behind such political developments, an economic revolution was taking place. The period of the later Zhou was an era of significant economic growth and technological innovation, especially in agriculture. During the Neolithic period, farmers were still dependent upon rain­fall to water their crops. In the Yellow River valley and other areas of North China, for the most part they grew millet and other dry crops that could survive on little moisture. Further south, in the Yangtze River delta or along the southern coast, farmers grew rice in marshy regions or along the riverbanks. Historians are not certain when or where irrigation was first practiced—there are indications that it was used in limited fashion during the Shang—but it was certainly in wide use by the sixth cen­tury B.C.E. During that time, large-scale water control projects were undertaken to regulate the flow of rivers and distribute water evenly to the fields, as well as to con­struct canals to facilitate the transport of goods from one region to another.

Perhaps the most impressive technological achieve­ment of the period was the construction of the massive water control project on the Min River, a tributary of the Yangtze just above the city of Chengdu (Ch'eng-tu) in Sichuan (Szechwan) Province. This system of canals and spillways, which was put into operation by the state of Qin a few years prior to the end of the Zhou dynasty, diverted excess water from the river into the local irriga­tion network and watered an area populated by as many as five million people. The system is still in use today, over two thousand years later.

Food production was also stimulated by a number of advances in farm technology. By the mid-sixth century B.C.E., the introduction of iron had led to the develop­ment of iron plowshares, which were more advanced than those used elsewhere and permitted deep plowing for the first time. Other innovations dating from the later Zhou were the use of natural fertilizer, the collar harness, and the technique of leaving land fallow to preserve or replenish nutrients in the soil.

The advances in agriculture, which enabled the popu­lation of China to rise as high as 20 million people during the late Zhou era, were also undoubtedly a major factor in the growth of commerce and manufacturing. During the later Zhou, economic wealth began to replace noble birth as the prime source of power and influence. Utensils made of iron became more common, and trade developed in a variety of useful commodities, such as cloth, salt, and various manufactured goods.

One of the most important items of trade in ancient China was silk. There is evidence of silkworm raising as early as the Neolithic period. Remains of silk material have been found on Shang bronzes, and a large number of fragments have been recovered in tombs dating from the mid-Zhou era. Silk cloth was used not only for clothing and quilts, but also to wrap the body of the dead prior to burial. Fragments have been found throughout Central Asia and as far away as Athens, suggesting that the famous "Silk Road" was in operation as early as the fifth century B.C.E.

With the development of trade and manufacturing, China began to move toward a money economy. The first form of money may have been seashells (the Chinese character for goods or property contains the ideographic symbol for "shell"), but by the Zhou dynasty iron money had developed in the form of pieces of iron shaped like a knife or round coins with a hole in the middle so they could be carried in strings of a thousand coins. Most ordinary Chinese were not involved in the money economy, however, but simply used a system of barter. Even taxes and rents, as well as the salaries of government officials, were normally paid in grain.